Author: Rogge, Jan Uwe.
Title: Fantasy, emotion and cognition in Germany's 'Sesame Street'.
Source: http://www.br-online.de/jugend/izi/english/televizion/16_2003_1/e_rogge_fantasy.htm[25.08.2004]
Published with kind permission of the author.
Jan-Uwe Rogge
Fantasy, emotion and cognition in Germany's "Sesame Street"
Notes on the framework stories
Children have a magical-fantastical interpretation of reality. They like simple, clear stories featuring fairy-tale elements that they can occupy with their imagination. A reception study on Sesamstrasse in Germany discovered this particularly in the case of the Muppet stories and the character Pepe. In several film inserts the kids felt they had not been taken seriously, however.
Max,
four and a half, comes to the counselling session with his mother.
She seems rather annoyed. Max is excellent at causing his parents
chaos at home.
Mother (annoyed): "The worst thing is that he
says it is not him who makes a mess but Ernie and Bert, who have come
to visit him." She looks at me: "Just imagine, Ernie and
Bert! He's crazy!"
Max: "Not Ernie and Bert, only Ernie,
Mum, only Ernie!"
Mother: "Stop it!"
I intervene
and ask Max: "What happens then?"
Max (smiling): "They
come, pull everything out of the boxes and then disappear without
tidying up!"
Mother: "Max, please! Stop this
nonsense!"
Max: "But you say that the one who makes a
mess has to tidy up! Only Ernie doesn't bother! He just clears
off!"
Mother in a shrill voice: "Max! Stop telling
stories!"
I turn to Max and ask him: "Does that make you
angry?"
Max nods.
"Does that annoy you?" I dig
deeper: "Why don't you say anything?"
He looks at me,
confused.
"Have you got an idea?" Max shakes his
head.
"Tell him," his mother butts in, "to stop
that nonsense of his! He has to tidy up!" She is angry. "That
bloody rubbish on the telly! Though Sesamstrasse is supposed
to be a good programme. You're supposed to learn something." She
looks at me unnerved. "And that's the result!"
Max
smiles at me.
"Max," I say to him, "I would have a
chat with Ernie and tell him that it annoys you when he doesn't tidy
up."
"What?" the mother butts in again. "You
have too much understanding for him! You've probably watched too much
television yourself!"
But Max looks at me attentively. "I
have to tell him off?" he answers hesitantly.
"Yes!"
"But
how?"
I look at him: "I would try it like this: Ernie,
you can play with me. But then you have to tidy up before you leave.
Otherwise you needn't come any more!" Max nods energetically,
indicating he has got the message. Then he looks at me inquiringly.
"What if he doesn't want to?"
"You can tell him
that he needn't bother to come again!"
Three weeks later. The
mother comes to the counselling office again. "He does the
tidying up!" Max is there, too, and laughs: "I told Ernie
off!"
"Then what?"
"He doesn't come any
more. He stays in Sesamstrasse and does his nonsense
there."
Children invent invisible companions, invisible only
for adults but tangible for kids. They are characters who have
emerged in their fantasy or for whom the media have acted as
"midwives", as it were; they are characters who go through
thick and thin with them, who are inseparable for a certain time.
Adults have problems accepting these characters, as they think their
kids are fleeing from reality and confusing reality and fantasy. But
the opposite is the case: these characters are extremely important
for the child's emotional development. Their companions act as putty
for filling gaps in their sometimes still fragmentary intellectual
learning process - but they pose no hazards for the child. The child
associates with them voluntarily, it controls and directs them. The
child attributes to the characters its own wishes and thoughts,
however. In Max's situation, he found a both simple and magical,
child-friendly solution. Max could not accept his parents' criticism
of his disorder.
He found this less a criticism of the thing
itself than of
his own person. The more vehemently his parents expressed their
reproaches of his disorder, the more intensively he waged his little
retaliatory battles against them, which gradually drove them to
despair. The significance of Max's fantasies very quickly becomes
clear. Ernie embodied Max's polar perspective, highly typical for the
age of between three and five: the division into good and bad people.
Ernie represented the "bad" side of things, Max the "good".
Children do not gain a differentiated view of people, i.e. the
development of a "both-and" attitude besides an "either-or"
attitude before they are five and later. This view gradually changes.
Ernie served as a vehicle, for Max a magic vehicle, whose
significance could not be discerned by his parents at first sight.
My observation: If parents and adults were prepared to observe
their younger children more closely, if parents learned to develop an
understanding for their magical-fantastical perspective, it would be
possible to find solutions to conflicts with children aged between
three and five. Admittedly, they would be valid only for a short
time, but could settle many a power struggle in an astonishing and
equally amusing way.
The
magical-fantastical phase in the child stretches from the age of four
well into primary school age. Magical thinking has been accorded a
subordinate position in the discussion on education during the past
few decades, rationality and the orientation towards cognitive
learning goals being the main priorities even at pre-school age. The
notion of achievement is defined more in terms of intellectual
ability and less by the child's social, motor and emotional
abilities. But it is important to realize the following:
The child
regards itself in the magical phase as a mixture between a scientist
and a wizard, a researcher and an artist. On the one hand, the child
knows about real processes, about the background to many things. On
the other hand, there are - by the nature of things - enormous gaps
that the child fills with its own fantasies and self-created
reflections.
Children think in images. And these images
constructed by the child - whether they be monsters, shadows or
imaginary robbers - can be just as real as the reality surrounding
the child.
The child gives things a soul, breathes its own will
and intentions into them, attributing to them an importance of their
own. In this way, Lego bricks can become the child's imaginary
playing companions at the age of three - every brick, which later
from the age of five it only sees as playing material. Whereas at the
age of three the Batman cape is still sufficient to make feel it like
the idol, at the age of seven the whole outfit is necessary to
develop the fantasy of being the super-hero.
The self-determined
attribution of a soul to things frequently proves to be
contradictory, however: it endows children with the strength to
demonstrate self-confidence and self-reliance. But the magical
ingredient they create can turn harmless objects or situations into
terrible monsters. Dark shadows become ghosts, fluttering curtains
turn into prowlers, creaking noises into over life-size burglars.
Children are never passively exposed to the objects in their
environments. They develop self-confident and autonomous techniques
of confronting and tackling reality. Children invent fantasy
characters, for instance, invisible forms that accompany them for a
while before disappearing from their world. In make-believe stories
and fairy-tales the child is given explanations affording him or her
emotional support. Such genres therefore evince amazement and
puzzlement, as the child already possesses the knowledge that things
can be in reality the way they occur in these stories. The "it
could be like that" perspective depicts a way of seeing reality
that differs from the realistic viewpoint.
In play children have
to come to terms with threatening, frightening impressions. In play
the child experiences totally mixed bags of emotions; it therefore
has - as the psychologist Hans Zulliger expressed it - "healing
powers". The same goes for the ritual that children develop - by
waving a magic wand, as it were - to give diffuse, unclear
experiences a structure. In the ritual children can banish insecure,
frightening situations in life.
Sometimes children regress, i.e.
they slip back into earlier stages of development to escape psychical
or emotional pressures. Such regression can be creative as well as
being compulsive. At times, precisely the opposite may help: children
undergo fantasy trips into the future, catapulting themselves forward
into the future in order to gain strength for the present.
In the
magical-fantastical phase, certain genres are important for kids:
fairy tales, magical and animated television stories, comedies. The
formal structures of these genres do in fact correspond to the
psychical make-up of children between the ages of four and eight.
These genres seem to support them as they live through this phase of
their development with its corresponding tasks. The fairy-tale
researcher Max Lüthi has developed five aspects that corroborate
this connection:
The fairy tale is one-dimensional. This means that everything can come into contact with everything. Fantasy characters are a normal occurrence. Cars, animals and trees have human properties. They support, assist and rescue the hero in situations of maximum danger. And nobody is surprised.
Fairy tales are two-dimensional, meaning the suspension of time and space, of laws of nature, gravity and logic. Fairy tales observe their own laws; all is possible, nothing is impossible. The fairy tale does not focus on outward reality; rather, the child is offered symbols that help it to come to terms with its inner reality. In the fairy tale the unexpected, the unpredictable takes place, but the kids know the little hero will emerge victorious. Everything is in motion, there is always something on the go.
The fairy tale lives on the formulae: "Once upon a time" and "happily ever after". These formulae represent an incantation, they are characteristics of intimacy, they are long-known rituals for banishing, enduring and controlling fear and anguish.
The fairy tale hero overcomes his adventures alone, cut off from the outside world. Invisible hands or assistance from the outside world only intervene when he is in the utmost danger.
The fairy tale thrives on the confrontation between two poles: big and small, strong and weak, good and evil, with the small and the cunning, the fragile and the weak, the good emerging victorious over the evil or the unjust. In the same way that "evil" is symbolically portrayed - sometimes stretching as far as clichés and stereotypes - the abstract message of fairy tales reads: "Sweat and strain, and prove yourself!" They focus on growing up, the search for identity, and development. At the end of the fairy tale the hero emerges purer, more developed, in simple words more mature.
No doubt such
structures - as in the case of animated television series or films -
can be abused, placing excessive demands on kids emotionally. At the
beginning of a new episode the hero of an animated television series
is featured as just as much of a bungler or blunderer, just as
astonished and gullible as he or she was in the previous episode.
Mistakes, impetuousness, impudence and stupidity are constantly
repeated, the search for identity becomes a never-ending process.
If
children are to be reached by means of make-believe stories, a few
points should be borne in mind:
Children like simple and clear stories containing fairy-tale elements - elements that they can occupy with their fantasy:
Children need stories with a happy ending as a way of encouragement. Children cannot stand parental explanations and interpretations of stories. In their opinion, the latter are disturbing interventions in their self-determined, creative activity. The more explanations that adults have about magical stories, the more the children's inner pictures are affected. If kids have any questions, they will ask them. Parents should trust their children (also) in this respect. But children more frequently want to chat with those of the same age; with them they experience more understanding.
To get involved in the stories, children need certainty, familiarity and dependability, only achieved after they have repeatedly heard and experienced the stories. The more closely a story or fairy tale approaches the kids, the more intensively their subjectively meaningful themes will be matched and their wish for repetition expressed. Many children therefore do not make do with listening to the story just once; they turn it over in their minds, going through it over and over again in order to find a solution. For kids the principle of repetition is part of listening to the story - until the inner picture has been processed for the child, until its significance no longer exists, until their fascination is captured by another story.
Sesamstrasse
is structured in two parts:
first, the studio stories about Samson, Finchen, Tiffy and Rumpel as
well as the stories with the puppets (Ernie, Bert & Co). Then
there are the film inserts, adopted from American productions or
produced in Germany. The genres of these film inserts range from real
films and picture stories to a wide variety of animation forms. This
part of Sesamstrasse is not the subject of the following
considerations and study. This study mainly focuses on the
"inhabitants" and the magical-fantastical reality of
Sesamstrasse, i.e. the puppets and the monsters.
The
concept of the framework story was developed by the Editorial
Department of the North-German Broadcasting Corporation
(Norddeutscher Rundfunk) (editor responsible: Anke Schmidt-Bratzel),
the production team (Studio Hamburg) (editor responsible: Bettina
Bergwelt), and, not but not least, the head author: Angelika Bartram.
I accompanied this project in my role as a psychologist and
pedagogue. The starting point of the concept was the life-environment
and everyday world of the target group, i.e. children aged between
three and six, with particular emphasis on their special development
characteristics. This is referred to in the programme manual, the
basis for authors developing the framework stories: "Taking
children seriously means taking them seriously in every phase of
their development and trying to meet them on the level of their
experience. Taking children seriously therefore also means taking
their wishes, dreams and omnipotence fantasies seriously and not just
regarding them as a collection of cute features but as an immense
potential of opportunities. Taking children seriously means taking
the power of their fantasy seriously and making sure this power is
not impeded, not pushed one-sidedly in an intellectual direction but
developed into an ability inducing the desire to form and fashion
their lives."
With regard to translating this concept into a
dramaturgy the manual continues: "If the intention is to convey
something to children, it is necessary to use their language. This
applies to everyone wishing to tell stories to children. They must
comprehend how children handle their world in the various development
phases, how they think, how they speak in order to use these elements
subsequently in their stories. Otherwise the stories are liable to
pass the children by."
The temperaments of the protagonists
in the framework stories are structured and oriented towards the age
and development stages of three- to six-year-olds.
Finchen is a
snail, three years of age. She has loads of imagination, is hungry
for knowledge and curious about everything because there are so many
things for her still to discover.
And then of course there is
Samson. Finchen is his best friend. Samson, the bear, is five years
old. He reacts very emotionally, sees what is behind things, and
constantly asks questions. And yet make-believe stories are his
favourites.
Tiffy, the bird, six years of age, has just started
school and almost disassociates herself from Finchen and Samson.
Tiffy wants to know everything and to tell everyone what she knows.
But Tiffy needs her cuddles so she goes to Samson.
Rumpel, an
ageless grouch, must not be forgotten. Rumpel represents the
rebellious child who finds nothing good about what others enjoy.
Rumpel provokes whenever he can. Rumpel loves indulging in a bad
mood. Rumpel is the defiant child, who is initially against
everything.
This blend of characters creates a creative-anarchical
relationship dynamic reflected in the plots and dramaturgies of the
framework stories. This is illustrated in episode no. 2055 (The Light
in the Fridge), which is about why there is a light on in the fridge.
While Samson and Finchen look for magical-fantastical explanations
("Perhaps it's the cucumber lying in the fridge that turns the
light on?"), Tiffy vacillates between a scientifically correct
and a make-believe explanation. Nils, an adult reference person from
the framework plots, finally reveals the secret without managing to
convince Samson and Finchen completely with his explanation. They
prefer to abide by their interpretation, which is more familiar at
their age. The magician Pepe, portrayed by the German actor-comedian
Dirk Bach, also plays a key role in several episodes of the framework
stories. This character was reintroduced and soon accepted by the
child viewers. The magician Pepe is a child living in the present, in
"here and now".
Many of Pepe's tricks are a flop, hardly
any go right at the beginning. But Pepe does not give up, despair is
not part of his vocabulary. Pepe tries time and time again until he
finally pulls it off. Pepe's behaviour is child-like, not childish;
Pepe acts like a child, without ever resorting to childishness. There
is something mysterious about him, which soon enchants the kids. Pepe
plays, does all kinds of tricks, creates stories; this is what the
kids identify with.
From the children's perspective playing a game
constitutes an appropriate form of coming to terms with experiences,
as it embraces key child development aspects. The child voluntarily
gets involved in the game, which itself obeys certain rules. In the
game the growing child is in charge of the speed at which it wants to
tackle the problem and find a solution. In the game the main question
is the conceptual solution of the problem. The game lives on the
principle whereby the child learns the concept by grasping for it.
Autonomously and equipped with its own means, the child confronts the
problem, tries to grasp it and gain a conception of the problem. This
takes place at a speed set by the child. The game features varying
speeds: rapid progression; a snail's pace; a pause to consider; a
review to check progress; settling down and making oneself at home;
taking a step backwards. Pepe and the opportunities he offers make
all this possible.
Not only the characters comprise the
fascination for children. The dramaturgy of the framework story
generates a very special form of excitement children can grasp:
To begin with, the kids identify with the Muppets regardless whether they put themselves in their position or transcend above them.
Kids are welcomed directly by the protagonists, they feel they are taken seriously.
The stories relate to the kids' competences.
The stories create references to everyday life without any semblance of being insincere, superficial or pedagogical.
A study on episodes 2046 and 2055 focused on two questions:
How do kids handle magical-fantastical design elements? Do they accept the transmission of an entertainment and knowledge blend?
How do kids accept the newly introduced puppets and Pepe? What significance do they attribute to them?
This study therefore
does not seek to survey the overall concept of Sesamstrasse in
the context of other pre-school programmes. Comparing the results of
the companion study with other, more comprehensive studies, the
following may be concluded: The results are absolutely representative
and can be generalized against the backdrop of other studies.
310
children at 12 day nurseries were interviewed. Five of them were
located in the area of the City of Hamburg, the other seven south of
Hamburg in the country. The children were aged between three and six.
Most came from a middle-class background. The parents took an active
interest in their children's television consumption, seeking
high-quality programmes for their children. The children frequently
tuned into the ARD/ZDF children's channel Kinderkanal.
Frequent-viewing children were just as few as those watching
programmes unsuitable for their age group.
The children's average
television consumption amounted to approximately one to two
programmes a day, usually pre-school programmes. Those named were
Sesamstrasse, Die Sendung mit der Maus (The Programme
with the Mouse), Sandmännchen (The Sandman), as well as
Löwenzahn (Dandelion), Siebenstein, Teletubbies,
Disney Club and Tigerenten Club (Tigerduck Club). They
were joined by still popular animated television series such as Heidi
and Pokémon. The latter were referred to by older
children.
Sesamstrasse was known to all the children. It
was the format they were allowed to watch without any fuss from their
parents, as the latter agreed with the concept of the series.
Another
significant factor entered the arena: "We're allowed to watch
Sesamstrasse by ourselves," explains six-year-old
Michael, "because we learn something." Sesamstrasse
enjoys a high level of acceptance on the part of the parents. It is
classified as being "suitable for children", since it
features no commercials, no violence and no elements giving rise to
anxiety. For the kids Sesamstrasse assumes the role of "their"
programme. They get involved, they feel accepted.
The way the kids
deal with Sesamstrasse is tantamount to a ritual: they know
when the programme is on, settle down in front of the television,
trust in the developments about to appear on the screen. Familiarity
with the programme hinges mainly on the Muppets: the kids really get
involved with them; they know their character and temperament. There
is the large, cuddly, funny-clumsy bear. Five-year-old Anne says she
likes Samson most of all, he is so cuddly, so big, nice to have as a
brother because then nothing can happen to her. She would even go for
a walk into a dark forest at night with him. But Ernie, Bert and the
Kruemelmonster are repeatedly stressed as being well-known and
familiar Muppets without the question having to be popped. The kids
attribute their affection for the Muppets to the contents in a number
of different ways: they are all funny, occasionally cause a lot of
nonsense, they make you laugh. They are like "good friends",
explains six-year-old Jan.
"With them somehow I know what is
coming. Ernie, who gets on your nerves a bit, and Bert, who is
quieter." It was like that with his elder brother, who has to
put up with a lot from him.
For the kids the Muppets not only
represent entertainment. They incorporate attitudes, characters,
vital principles. They create references to their daily lives, in a
clever-witty way, not in a superficial, schoolmasterly fashion.
Particularly striking were the explicit viewpoints of the kids
interviewed about the programme format. The older they were, the
clearer the expression of their opinion. They praised the blend of
entertainment and knowledge transfer and felt accepted by the
programme as autonomous personalities. That's why Sesamstrasse
was a programme for them because they could watch Ernie and Bert,
Pepe and Momi by themselves without any parental involvement. "Mum
doesn't always interrupt," says six-year-old Stefanie, "Samson
is my friend, Mum's got Lindenstrasse."
The study was
divided into two parts:
First, the kids watched two episodes of Sesamstrasse (2046 and 2055). The kids were observed by means of a video camera. The intention was to capture the kids' verbal and non-verbal reactions and immediate effects on programme-related parts.
Subsequently, group and individual interviews took place, when the kids had the opportunity to express their opinion on the programme. The kids were asked questions in an open, theme-oriented interview (cf. note).
The kids were
fascinated by both episodes, concentration phases alternating with
phases of less interest. This completely matches children's
perception behaviour. The age group investigated cannot follow
attentively a programme lasting almost 30 minutes. This would expect
too much of them cognitively and emotionally. Particularly striking
is the fact that their glance returns to the television as soon as
the Muppets appear; other activities that have nothing to do with the
programme cease. The kids watch the protagonists in enthrallment.
Many kids use the short film inserts to switch off mentally, to
gather their thoughts and to get involved in the Muppets and their
stories once again.
The real film on Turkish children from the
series Mischa in der Türkei (Mischa in Turkey) receives a
critical appraisal in both episodes. After a very short time the
kids' attention wanes, they lose interest, resume contact with the
other kids sitting next to them, they do not get involved in these
parts. "It's boring," says six-year-old Jonas on behalf of
the other children. Without embarking on an exact product analysis,
the stories about Turkish children, whose intentions are no doubt
important and comply with the Sesamstrasse catalogue of learning
goals, fundamentally differ from the quality and the aesthetic
translation of the Muppet stories. Many stories in the film inserts
contain no suspense, the aesthetic translation is not very appealing,
the speaker seems childish. The result: the kids do not feel they are
taken seriously, they lose interest.
There is no doubt that the
puppets are the focus of the kids' interest. Ernie and Bert, the
Kruemelmonster, Tiffy and Finchen, but also the newly introduced Pepe
top the kids' popularity list, as mentioned above.
Learning and
entertainment form an indissoluble blend. Children find a cognitively
oriented knowledge transfer boring, one-sided and preachy. Cognition
and emotion belong together. The kids discover emotionality in the
characters and temperaments of the Muppets as well as in the songs
and the music of the episodes. The latter fix the attention of the
kids, enchant them without demanding too much of them emotionally.
The children sing along, move to the beat of the music, their
gestures and mimic are sparked.
The programme-related attention of
the kids does not exclude other activities. Two different forms can
be observed. First, those activities required to take their minds off
things, to relax and switch off. The kids do not care about the
contents of the programme, but when "their favourites"
reappear they return to the programme. Being familiar with the format
of the programme, they also know how the episodes are structured:
they can "switch off" without running the risk of missing
anything important. Second, programme-related entertainment takes
place: two kids chatting about how Pepe found his magical charm
again; other kids explaining in a highly matter-of-fact way how the
light in the fridge goes on and off. And then there are the
para-social chats: a child says that it wants to help Pepe find his
forgotten magical charm, for example; another says it finds the
writer from a film insert "stupid" or "silly".
Children
like being welcomed directly by the Muppets. "It's as if Samson
is talking to me," remarks six-year-old Vanessa. Directly
addressing the kids makes them feel accepted; an almost personal
relationship with them is established, important for later transfer
of knowledge and translation of intended learning goals. The better
liked the protagonist is and the more competent his explanations are,
and the more he can involve kids where they stand at the moment -
both in terms of space and intellect -, the more willingly kids
identify with this character and its abilities. Observations of their
behaviour have made this very clear.
Pepe captured the hearts of the kids immediately without superficially ingratiating himself as one of them. The kids find him funny, witty, comical. They feel he addresses them directly. He is like one of them - with all his strengths and weaknesses. He tries out many things, is sometimes sad, then cheerful again. He falls flat on his face, knowing how to extricate himself from tricky situations. Somehow or other he always knows a way out - and there is something mysterious about him. So it is almost self-evident that children are inspired by Pepe to invent their own (magical) stories. In the interviews the kids were observed talking about their own magical tricks, their successes and flops.
The Fridge Story situation was different. Here the kids felt they had been addressed, but felt they were more competent than the protagonists of the programme. This produced a certain viewing attitude: the kids commented on the Muppets' acts, telling each other what they all knew and finding themselves cleverer on the whole. Whereas the excitement in the Pepe episode developed from how he got out of the "mess" he had made, the Fridge Story contained a totally different kind of suspense. The kids viewing the episode knew about the technical processes, they could see how the Muppets eventually approached their level of knowledge.
Children like the
mixture of knowledge- and information-transfer with entertainment.
But they have high expectations of such formats: "If it isn't
funny, then I don't want to watch it," says five-year-old
Sandra. And like an expert, six-year-old Tim remarks: "The
pictures must be really cool. I must see what is being explained,
otherwise I don't understand!" His friend Rafael of the same age
adds: "If they only talk, it isn't good, either. A bit of music
so I can join in the singing, that's cool. Or when they explain the
alphabet with a song, I remember it much faster." Six-year-old
Carlo says it is easier for him to remember something if he can copy
what he has seen afterwards.
Here the children touched on two
important points concerning the translation of learning goals, the
transfer of knowledge and information: the
entertaining-emotionalizing programme design elements are just as
important as the references to everyday life ("What has that got
to do with me?". And yet the translation of these aspects is
tantamount to a tightrope walk: the dramaturgical elements (music,
songs, camera work) are very significant but too much excitement
would distract, unsettle the target group. Exaggerated references to
daily life could be misinterpreted as mere preachiness.
Children - in
accordance with their age and stage of development - must test how
they can make use of television. This explains why parents and
teachers, producers and heads of programme services, journalists and
authors are equally called upon. Doubtless the dramaturgy of a
programme has an influence on whether the kids are overstrained or
whether they are given the opportunity to keep an emotional distance.
There are programmes that venture a dramaturgy suitable for children,
but what is suitable for children is not always what adults consider
it to be. Children growing up understand something else by what is
suitable for them: no didactic know-all manner, no boring attitudes,
no officious images nor any avuncular tone. Pre-school programmes
such as Die Sendung mit der Maus or Sesamstrasse offer
entertainment and pleasure, but at the same time they take children's
feelings seriously. Such programmes do not aim at the grand arch of
suspense, they consist of several little arches of suspense between
which the kids can have a moment's rest. Only a child who is
permitted to perform other activities while viewing will be able to
deal productively with the emotional challenges of television
programmes. Children maintain quality demands on programmes, which
may be described as understanding what is going on and experiencing
things.
Children want to be emotionally carried away by their
favourite programmes. But for reasons of endurance they need
dependability and security, provided by a familiar dramaturgical
framework. "What children need most of all," Bruno
Bettelheim writes in his essay on "Children and Television",
is "to learn from their experiences and to grow as a result.
Children benefit most from programmes that show how people change as
a result of their experiences - in terms of personality, their view
on life, their relations with others and their ability to cope with
future events." The framework stories of Sesamstrasse reveal
this quite impressively.
In five day-nurseries, students from the University of Hamburg carried out the video observation and the interviews under the supervision of lecturer Eva Schäfer. In ten day-nurseries, the observation and interviewing of educators took place under the supervision of Jan-Uwe Rogge. Eva Schäfer also compiled the evaluation of the observation and interviews she carried out.
Bettelheim, Bruno (1990). Themen meines Lebens. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt.
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